Fernando Cerimedo is known as MAGA’s man in Latin America. As one of the region’s most influential political operatives, he advised right-wing presidential candidates from Argentina to Honduras to Bolivia to Peru. In the last two years, every single one of his clients won their elections. But this August Cerimedo was arrested following allegations he oversaw the attempted murder of his former partner, Nadia Beler.
Beler has since made public a series of private chats and audio recordings attributed to Cerimedo which expose how elections won by politicians aligned with Donald Trump across Latin America. The leaked exchanges also reveal the influence of foreign interests from Washington to Tel Aviv over governments in the region.
In one of the most shocking recordings, Cerimedo claims to have personally intervened in the replacement of a U.S. ambassador to Bolivia. But what is even more revealing is that he claims the replacement ambassador was part of his own MAGA political circle.
**Fernando Cerimedo: **“I’m not going to risk my professional career. If [Paz] won’t make decisions… Look, I reached out to the United States and got the ambassador replaced—because that ambassador was a total bitch. I was the one who got her replaced. I was the one who made the call to ensure that…”
**Senator Alejandro Reyes: **“Is the person coming in any good?”
**Fernando Cerimedo: **“He’s good, he’s good. He’s on my team—he’s part of my MAGA-aligned circle.”
VO: Cerimedo is not simply claiming to have influence over President Rodrigo Paz. He’s insisting that he was able to exercise veto power over U.S. diplomatic appointments, and to have the backing of a network within the State Department aligned with Donald Trump’s MAGA movement.
Replacing a U.S. ambassador would be a major political intervention for an unelected Latin American political fixer. But claiming to have replaced one with a member of his own political circle raises another question: Who exactly is Cerimedo working for, and how far does his network reach?
Cerimedo’s connections to Trump’s network are well established. He worked directly for Brad Parscale, Trump’s former campaign manager, who is now a foreign agent for the government of Israel in the United States. In one audio exchange recently leaked by Beler, Cerimedo referred to himself as a partner of Salem Media.
**Fernando Cerimedo: **“I own a media group—a chain of media outlets. It’s called La Derecha a Diario. In the United States, I am now a partner in one of the companies associated with Trump—Salem Media—which owns 135 radio stations and 43 newspapers in the U.S. We integrate this with a significant portion of our work alongside two other companies: EyesOver Technologies and Nucleus—the very firms that provided services to the Trump campaign. Yes, those are the systems we represent in Latin America.”
That’s the MAGA-aligned media network which has been formally incorporated into Parscale’s massive contract with the Israeli government, and which is now responsible for broadcasting Tel Aviv’s messaging through its hosts.
This points to another component of the network represented by Cerimedo: the pro-Israel faction of the American right, whose support for Zionism has also become a dividing line within the conservative movement itself.
The expansion of Israel’s infiltration of Latin America is already visible through companies such as the Israeli state owned water company Mekorot, which has been advancing water management agreements in regions of Argentina, Peru, Colombia, and Mexico. Similar projects are in earlier stages in Ecuador, Bolivia, Venezuela, and Honduras.
**Fernando Cerimedo: “**I put my reputation on the line with the State Department, and I leveraged my name with Noboa to get them to give us tear gas. I did the same with Israel to secure tactical equipment. And… I managed to get a plane from Argentina, [to collect the gear]. Damn it! I even took all the heat from the lawmakers.” “It’s like: [To an imaginary Paz] “Listen, man—either we start making decisions, or I’m out.”
These claims demonstrate Cerimedo’s central role in the projection of Trumpian right wing politics across Latin America. He takes credit for guiding his candidates to victory through the politics of division, weaponizing political bot operations and his tabloid newspaper “La derecha diario”.
Many of the right-wing governments supported by Cerimedo have become deeply unpopular, while their electoral victories remain tainted by allegations of irregularities, which are extensively documented.
These controversies, along with revelations from Cerimedo’s leaked communications, have contributed to growing protests and the sense that democracy has been suffocated across Latin America.
One of the most significant protests took place in Bolivia, where Indigenous, peasant, and labor movements kept the government under pressure for several weeks, from May 1 to June 23.
President Rodrigo Paz responded with a two-front strategy: negotiating with organized labor while militarizing the confrontation with the Indigenous movement.
Bolivia has a long history of governments using exceptional powers to confront popular resistance. Víctor Paz Estenssoro, Rodrigo Paz’ uncle grandfather, who governed from 1985 to 1989 during his fourth presidential term, declared states of emergency in both 1985 and 1986. Rodrigo Paz’s father Jaime Paz was also forced to use violence against the indigenous, but never resorted to a formal declaration of Martial Law.
Rodrigo Paz would eventually declare a state of emergency equivalent to Martial Law on June 20. But the leaked conversation appears to have taken place before that decision, as Cerimedo was already pressing the president to take such measures. In the recording, he claims to have spoken directly with the president and his ministers, and to have given Paz an ultimatum.
**Fernando Cerimedo: **“I also spoke with the President. I’ve already—look, this is just between you and me—but I’ve already told him. I’ve given him an ultimatum, backed by arguments. And I just got off a call with the relevant ministers. He’s giving me a few hours to make some decisions. So, it’s going to get resolved—either the easy way or the hard way. But it will get resolved.”
Fernando Cerimedo has claimed from jail that the audio leaks released by his ex-girlfriend are not real, but “Ai made”. However, they’ve been published worldwide.
Cerimedo was clearly not advocating for a negotiated solution. He wanted the president to impose a state of emergency and end the protests, even if that meant the use of lethal force. Rejecting President Paz’s double prong approach of negotiating with the workers union and using force against indigenous, he demanded a ruthless crackdown on all resistance.
**Fernando Cerimedo: **“Apparently, he sent a letter to the community today, trying to put forward a list of demands—supposedly even including a law to ensure campaign promises are kept, or some such nonsense, right?
Come Saturday, a state of emergency must be declared—period. I’m not interested [in negotiations]. I told Rodrigo, I said, “Mr. President, either we fall because we’re incompetent, or we fall because people end up dead.” And, I’d rather take the risk of people dying.
**Senator Alejandro Reyes: “**People are begging for a state of emergency. I really hope he makes that decision.”
Senator Alejandro Reyes brings another Trump favorite, Ecuadorian President Daniel Noboa into the conversation, presenting him as an example Paz should follow.
Cerimedo then reveals that Paz himself had asked for his help to turn Bolivia into another El Salvador by emulating Nayib Bukele’s iron-fisted security model, in which thousands are thrown into maximum security prisons at once, often without trial. In Ecuador, President Noboa has expanded the use of military force in domestic security operations, while Bukele has governed El Salvador under an extended state of emergency, with mass incarcerations and the suspension of constitutional guarantees. For Cerimedo and Reyes, these governments provide a blueprint for Paz in Bolivia.
In fact, they have already exploited the relationship between Ecuador and Bolivia to advance their repressive aims. As Cerimedo states in the earlier recording, he used his personal influence with Noboa to obtain tear gas for the Bolivian government. This makes the references to Noboa particularly significant. He is presented not only as a political model but also as a possible source of material assistance for the crackdown.
**Fernando Cerimedo: **“And my frustration is that everything might come to nothing with the president, and then some idiot—like Lupo, or perhaps even a minister—might step in and change the equation.
I told Rodrigo [Paz] it’s like this: either we fall willingly, or we fall by force. If we fall, let it be by force, because we have a better chance. And I’m not going to risk my professional career to be on the side of some lukewarm people.
Again, it’s like this: either we fall willingly, or we fall by force. If we fall, let it be by force, because we have a better chance. And I’m not going to risk my professional career to be on the side of some lukewarm people who want the path of opinion.”
**Senator Alejandro Reyes: “**I mean, the worst part is that [Paz] is really already… ready… ready to fall. [Paz] has to be like Noboa, he has to be like Noboa, he has to be decisive.
**Fernando Cerimedo: “**Alejandro… Three weeks ago the president told me: “Help me and Bukelize-us.” I worked with Bukele during his first term, and I said, “Let’s get Bukele-ized.” But damn it! He doesn’t listen to me, man!”
Throughout the recordings, Cerimedo appears frustrated with Paz, complaining that despite the resources and contacts he has mobilized, the president is unwilling to make the hardline decisions Cerimedo wants.
His language also reveals the real dynamics of the relationship between the political consultant and the president. Cerimedo is not speaking as someone waiting for instructions. He is demanding that the president act, threatening to withdraw his support if Paz refuses.
And all this is taking place while Bolivia is experiencing a major confrontation between the government and social movements.
The leaked exchanges also suggest that Cerimedo and Senator Reyes were aware of the potential political and legal consequences of the crackdown they planned. Reyes warns that Paz could eventually face trial for his actions. Cerimedo agrees, but insists that violence is inevitable in a country like Bolivia.
**Senator Alejandro Reyes :**Because it’s a total shitshow, man—and for [Paz] it is all the same. He’s going to end up facing a trial—a trial for accountability—over all of this.
**Fernando Cerimedo: **He’s going to face it, he’s going to face it, no doubt about it. He’s violating [popular interest mandates] and the terms of the state of siege. I told him: “We’re going to end up leaving the hard way—whether it’s now or five years from now, it’s going to be the hard way—because in this country, the only way things get done is with violence. Fuck it.”
These recordings offer some of the clearest evidence that a foreign political network operating at the intersection of Trump’s MAGA and Netanyahu’s Israel calls the shots for governments in Latin America. As their man in Bolivia, Cerimedo claims to have overseen the replacement of a U.S. ambassador, secured assistance from foreign governments, and personally pressured a president to use force against protesters, even at the risk of massacring civilians and placing himself in legal peril.
There’s no doubt that Cerimedo exercises influence over Rodrigo Paz. But the question now is about how much power the interests lurking behind the jailed operative enjoy across Latin America.